A Model of Christian Charity

by

John Winthrop

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A Model of Christian Charity Summary & Analysis

Summary
Analysis
An epigraph at the top of the page notes that Winthrop penned this sermon while he and his fellow colonists were aboard the Arabella en route to New England from Great Britain in the year 1630.
Much of Winthrop’s sermon centers around life’s difficulty and inequality, which would have resonated with his audience of Puritan colonists on the eve of a very difficult relocation to a fledgling society. Their beliefs had been maligned by the established government, and their only way out—a relocation across the Atlantic—was going to be extremely difficult.
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Winthrop then introduces his sermon with an observation: God has created a world in which some people are rich while others are poor, and some are powerful while others are lowly and weak.
Almost all sermons open on a section of the Bible—Jonathan Edwards’s “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God” is a good example. Bucking this tradition, Winthrop opens with a simple observation: life is unfair and inequality is everywhere. This is a strongly Protestant way of preaching; it suggests that anyone can arrive at moral truths not just by reading the official sacred text (the Bible) but also by simply observing the world around them.
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Winthrop does not demarcate sections in his sermon, but his argument naturally unfolds in five parts. In the first of these, Winthrop unpacks his observation about social inequality, addressing the question of how a loving God could allow pain in the world. Winthrop offers three reasons why God has created inequality. One is that the variety inherent in disparity (that people are rich or poor, strong or weak, etc.) accurately reflects the breadth of his creation.
For Winthrop, inequality is part of God’s plan—it’s something to be embraced, not overcome. In theological terms, the attempt to explain how a loving God can allow evil in the world is called “theodicy.” Many great works of literature are also works of theodicy; some 40 years after Winthrop, John Milton’s Paradise Lost would also “justify the ways of God to man.” Winthrop’s first justification suggests that the many different stations of humanity prove God’s infinite power.
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Another reason is that, since everyone is so different, God can enter their lives in equally different ways, which is further proof of his variety and greatness. The third—and most important—reason that God has placed people in such different fortunes is so that they might discover a need for one another. This need, says Winthrop, is the unifying “bond of brotherly affeccion.”
Winthrop suggests that inequality proves God’s love, since it allows God to change one life differently from another. By establishing God’s power and love, Winthrop reasons that inequality is an unavoidable and essential element of life. So if it can’t be avoided, it must be embraced. This factual foundation clears the way for Winthrop’s third reason: that inequality exists so people can rely on each other. This marriage of inequality and “brotherly affeccion”—which he later calls love—provides the main thesis for his sermon. Eager for the Massachusetts Bay Colony to run like a well-oiled machine, he has calculated this message to inspire his audience into a happy coexistence.
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Expanding on his third reason, Winthrop outlines two necessary means by which the “poor” and the “rich” uphold lasting “brotherly affeccion”: justice and mercy. These terms, says Winthrop, represent the laws of “nature” and of “grace,” respectively, “the morrall lawe or the lawe of the gospel.” The law of nature, says Winthrop, applies to humans “in the estate of innocency,” while the law of grace to humans “in the estate of regeneracy.” He twice quotes Christ’s Sermon on the Mount to illustrate the social compassion represented by mercy: namely, “Whatsoever ye would that men should doe to you.”
Here, Winthrop explains how love unites humans in a society. He introduces the concept of mercy. which is the impulse that moves humans to act compassionately towards one another, to give, and to help their neighbors. Coupled with mercy is justice, which loosely corresponds to the laws dictated by the Bible and by society. Winthrop’s distinction here—between people’s intrinsic ability to act morally (mercy), and the extrinsic laws enforced upon them (justice)—suggests the heavy emphasis he places on human’s inner decision making. What kind of Christian acts moral only when scared of getting in trouble? Instead, people must absorb Christian teachings into their private habits. He stresses this inner motivation throughout the sermon, urging his colonists to cultivate their own moral compasses while living in Massachusetts, rather than relying entirely on the laws of the Bible.
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In his second section, Winthrop describes the kind of  behavior mercy inspires in those who feel it. It asks people to give, to lend, and to forgive. Winthrop gives his audience six important practical considerations for a merciful life in society. These have to do with “liberallity” (giving money or goods) or lending. The first consideration is that people ought to give charitably whenever possible. However, as Winthrop adds in his second consideration, the needs of one’s family come first. Third, citing Christ’s Sermon again (“Lay not upp for yourselves treasures upon earth”), Winthrop advises against “layeing upp,” or stockpiling wealth, because such hoarding neglects the present needs of others.
Winthrop keeps his definition of mercy vague to enable the broadest possible moral interpretation. But it’s clear from his discussion of lending that he has financial charity in mind—giving money to those in need. Probably this financial element is in part a reaction against his job as middle-class landlord in rural England (despite the sermon, Winthrop was never a churchman); throughout the early 1600s, the countryside was changing, capitalism was growing, and Winthrop would have seen new pressures on landlords like himself to hike rent and evict rural tenants in favor of grazing fields, a lucrative but ruthless agricultural transformation called “enclosure.”
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Winthrop’s fourth consideration is that giving is particularly necessary when the borrower cannot repay the debt, as this signifies great need. Fifth, with reference to Christ’s Golden Rule (“Whatsoever ye would that men should doe to you doe ye the same to them allsoe”), Winthrop urges regular forgiveness of debts incurred even through business.
Winthrop’s pseudo-communistic urging to give “liberally” with no worry of repayment is profoundly uncapitalistic; it stands in stark contrast to the prevailing economic attitudes of the time, and it speaks volumes to the selflessness of the society he envisions in Massachusetts.
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Winthrop’s last consideration for the merciful life explains why he urges his audience to give so much “with more enlargement towards others and lesse respect for our selves.” He claims no one truly owns “that which he possessed,” reminding his audience that the ancient “primitive churche” adopted a communistic view of worldly possessions without ownership.
Here, Winthrop explains that his reasoning for such selfless liberality is a Protestant conception of humans as nothing before God, as unworthy of possessions, and therefore as unentitled to regard the material world as truly their own. In order to emphasize the purity of his colonists’ religious views, he makes reference to early Christians who followed Christ’s teachings before the Catholic Church introduced its many rituals and scriptural interpretations.
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Winthrop’s third section probes the feeling behind mercy: brotherly affection, or love. Just as a clock, once wound, strikes the hour on its own, humans act mercifully to each other when “love [is] in the heart.” Love, says Winthrop, must be felt intuitively (i.e., “not by force of argument,” law, or scripture) in order to inspire action. But once truly felt, love will “natively bring forthe” mercy and liberality, “as any cause doth produce the effect.”
“Love”—the essential theme of the sermon—is front and center here. In this passage and the one to follow, Winthrop uses three distinct images to illustrate humanity’s unity and the love with which the colonists ought to treat one another, starting here with the image of clockwork and then moving into the image of the human body and the knitting of fabric. It is not these items themselves that are important to Winthrop, but rather the unifying forces that make them useful. A clock’s kinetic energy, the body’s ligaments, and a fabric’s interlocking weave all represent harmonious combinations of disparate elements. Individual parts (gears, organs, and thread) only work in tandem.
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The result is a happy social unification. Just as the human body unites disparate body parts into one entity, love, “the bond of perfection,” “knitts” humans together. Winthrop invokes “the most perfect of all bodies[,] Christ and his church,” as an example of this ideal unity. Winthrop concludes that all humans are symbolically “of one body” and must therefore “partake of each others strength and infirmity, joy, and sorrowe, weale and woe.”
While a grammarian might say that Winthrop is mixing his metaphors (that is, confusing different types of figurative language), the fact that Winthrop crams these images together into such a dense verbal patchwork shows the urgency of his thoughts on love and his desire to communicate poetically. He extends his body metaphor especially far here, turning from the individual human body to the abstract image of Christ’s body and the “body” of the Christian Church; all of these extensions reinforce the godliness of the type of love he advocates.
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The image of one continuous, sympathetic body bound by the “ligamentes” of love leads Winthrop into his fourth section, a psychological account of how love works on the human mind. Activated by feelings like “sensibleness” and “Sympathy,” people naturally group together because the human mind is attracted to things like itself.
Eager to explain that brotherly love is a naturally occurring feeling—and thus a worthy social principle—Winthrop delves into a psychological account of the emotion. Although it’s easy to be selfish, he says that humans’ desire to be around others like themselves is a stronger feeling. Humans naturally group together because they are born liking things that resemble them—so why not embrace this in civic life, and form a mutually dependent society?
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Although every man (and woman, despite Winthrop’s male-centric language) “is borne with this principle in him, to love and seeke himself only,” this fondness for the self can in fact, with Christ, turn outwards to embrace other people. He quotes a Latin saying as evidence: simile simili gaudet, meaning “like will to like.” Just as “the Lord loves the creature” he fashioned in his godly image, so too man (or any human) “cannot but love him as he loves himself.” Winthrop cites biblical stories—Eve’s love for Adam, and Jonathan’s “hearte knitt[ing]” to David’s—for further evidence.
Winthrop pulls in three kinds of evidence to convince his audience that people need each other: Biblical stories that show figures bound emotionally to one another, psychological descriptions of familiar feelings like “sympathy” (above), and classical wisdom from the Roman era. These last two types of evidence are out of place in a Christian sermon, meant to argue only from Biblical evidence. Radically, Winthrop’s psychologizing and classical learning suggest that humans can arrive at moral truths (i.e., truths about how humans ought to live pious social lives) from their own life experience, their own self-observation, and their wider reading. The Bible, for Winthrop, is not the only place where one can find truth. This is a very “humanist” rather than Christian approach, one more associated with Renaissance writers like Shakespeare. The ancient Latin saying he quotes (Simile simili gaudet) means literally that “similar things rejoice in each other”; it had most famously appeared in a book that had nothing to do with Christianity, the Adages of Erasmus of Rotterdam, a great humanist scholar of Greek and Latin. It had been reprinted in London as recently as 1621, eight years before Winthrop was writing. It might have been familiar with the more well-read of his colonists, who would have recognized the extremely broad reach of Winthrop’s moral argument.
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Love, says Winthrop, is the best feeling on earth, says Winthrop; “nothing yeildes more pleasure and content […] for to love and live beloved is the soules paradise, both heare and in heaven.” After an aside on romantic love—in which he suggests that social love among neighbors is more durable—Winthrop concludes that “love among Christians is a reall thing not imaginarie.” Further, love is essential to the Christian life; in fact, it brings people closer to the level of God, who has infinite love.
Winthrop punctuates his arguments about love with two main points: that love is the greatest feeling on earth, and that this feeling, though an invisible emotion, is a very real thing (much like the invisible kinetic energy that moves the cogs of a clock). He emphasizes these things to convince his audience that something as intangible as an emotion can in fact become the foundation of a successful society. And in a putdown where readers discover Winthrop’s cheeky side, he drives his message home by suggesting that while spouses may tire of each other, neighbors can uphold this love and channel it into a functioning society.
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 Winthrop’s final section makes an “applicacion” of his arguments about love to his colonists’ future in Massachusetts, since “wee ought to account our selves knit together by this bond of love.” This invisible spiritual unity connects them all not only to each other in the colony but also to their “farre distant” mother church in England. In the colony, “civill pollicy”—“not onely conscience”—must defend “publique” against “perticuler” needs.
Winthrop refers back to the Church of England—the entity from which his colonists are about to split off—not with animosity at its degradations into King Charles I’s overt Catholicism, but with more love. He asks his colonists to regard their Puritan utopia as a satellite church to “farre distant” England, not as a divorced refugee from it. This emphasis on the mother church says a lot about Winthrop’s motives in starting a Puritan colonial outpost. He wants the English church to reform itself based on their example, not to sink further into sin. The body metaphor extends across the Atlantic, not just within his Massachusetts Bay Colony; he hopes one vigorous appendage will heal the rest of the body. To further celebrate “publique” over “perticuler” needs, he finds yet another example: the Waldenses, a sect of 12th-century rebellious Christians in Lyon who rejected the Catholic Church centuries before reformers like Martin Luther. Winthrop invokes their tight-knit society to tempt his colonists into godly communism.
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Winthrop reminds his fellow colonists that they will be serving God and must guard against “the common corruptions of this evill world.” Their mission is “extraordinary, therefore wee must not content our selves with usuall ordinary meanes.” They must “love brotherly without dissimulation,” love “fervently,” “beare one anothers burthens,” regard “the things of our brethren.”
Winthrop heightens the drama of their colony by discussing its “extraordinary” status. Nothing like it has ever existed before, so it is doubly important that his colonists love each other “fervently” and “without dissimulation” (meaning openly, without concealing one’s thoughts). Further, his colonists must “beare one anothers burthens” (an old spelling of “burdens”) and watch out for each other’s “things” (not material things, but, rather, each other’s affairs). This passages shows the importance of transparency and fellowship to Winthrop’s ideal society.
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Because of their colony is “extraordinary,” Winthrop warns that the moral weight to his colonists’ Puritan project is greater than ever before. God’s punishment of their moral failings, he says, will be more severe in Massachusetts than it was in England. This is because their new bond with God will be “more neare,” and thus more subject to God’s “jealous[y].” This nearness is partly because Puritans like himself and his audience have rejected the “strange fire and strange sacrifices” of the Catholic Church. Lastly, their Puritan society in Massachusetts constitutes a promise to God, punishable by God’s “wrathe” and “prosecut[ion]” if broken.
The stereotype about Puritan sermons is that they are scary, threatening, and always about damnation. Winthrop has delivered a full sermon on the topic of love, but he now briefly introduces the threat of God’s wrath. He does so in order to stress two things: the gravity of his colonists’ project in New England, and that the “love” he has been discussing is not an airy romantic feeling but rather a very real social bond upon which a community might be built. He also alludes to “strange fire and strange sacrifices”—an oblique reference to the incense-burning and ritual-heavy Catholic Church which he and his Puritans don’t like. They see their stripped-down, Scripture-based approach as more “pure,” and more “neare” to God himself; because they are so near God, Winthrop says, they are in even more danger of incurring his wrath should they fail.
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Winthrop ends these thoughts on his colonists’ severe moral pressures, by sketching an image of their destination as a “citty upon a hill,” visible to all globally and in “posterity.” Since they are “professours for Gods sake,” examples to the world of the Puritanical life, it is imperative that they succeed as a functioning colony, “knitt together in this worke as one man.”
Winthrop ends his sermon with another point about the moral pressure his colonists are under. In his most quoted passage (which borrows from the Book of Matthew), Winthrop calls his Massachusetts Bay a “citty upon a hill” in order to stress its visibility. Their project is so unique that everyone is paying attention. Should their community fall into strife, or otherwise fail, everyone in the world will take note and discount Puritanism as a viable type of Christianity; in doing so, they will have failed God, whose only hope for an anti-Catholic resurgence lay with them.
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