Changes in the Land

by

William Cronon

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Changes in the Land: Chapter 5 Summary & Analysis

Summary
Analysis
For the first century in which Europeans had settled in Massachusetts, there was actually much cooperation between them and the Native population. Native people traded animal furs and skins for clothing, decorative objects, and weaponry. There is little evidence in the historical record of indigenous people’s impression this trade. Yet it is also clear that in the early seventeenth century, Native people regularly approached Europeans seeking trade opportunities. There is also hardly any record of the many Europeans who travelled to America during this period, although other sources confirm that many such people did exist and that many engaged in trade with indigenous communities.
Cronon provides an important note here about the extent to which the historical archive is biased in favor of the Europeans. Due to a number of factors including the systematic destruction of indigenous communities and the fact that Europeans were intent on preserving their own records, there is much more evidence now of what Europeans thought during this time than what Native people did. This creates an unbalanced history.
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These European travelers brought the most destructive change to indigenous life in the form of microorganisms that previously did not exist in America. These microorganisms caused diseases such as chicken pox, measles, smallpox, influenza, plague, malaria, and yellow fever, and Native people had no immunity against them. Indeed, colonizers sometimes remarked on the striking absence of disease among Native populations. This all changed, however, as a result of the European presence. When a disease struck a Native village, the initial mortality rate was usually somewhere between 80 or 90%. This triggered “a long process of depopulation” which had dramatic knock-on effects.
The impact of European disease on the indigenous population of America is arguably the most devastating part of the entire history of European-indigenous relations. The staggering amount of death caused by disease shows how Native people became so vulnerable to European oppression and theft. 
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Because the Native people who interacted with Europeans most were those involved in the fur trade, the northern Natives who disproportionately participated in fur trading were struck by disease first. However, once the diseases reached the much more densely populated southern regions, the impact was even more devastating. The first epidemic to hit the south started in 1616; the disease was likely chicken pox and there were several villages where only one person survived. In a subsequent 1633 epidemic, the mortality rate in some villages was 93%. Native people had essentially no way to defend themselves against these new pathogens. Aware of the high risk of contagion, they were forced to leave family members to die alone.
The horrifying impact of disease described here shows how human and ecological history intertwine, in this case with brutal consequences. The microorganisms that Europeans inadvertently brought with them were natural and Europeans had naturally acquired immunity to them (this was long before the era of vaccines within Western medicine). Yet because of the unnatural act of colonization, Native people were killed in huge numbers by an organic entity.
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Disease prevented Native people from being able to hunt and farm properly, leading to starvation which worsened the problem of illness. By 1675, the number of Native people in New England had plummeted from 70,000 to 12,000. This massive change had a tumultuously destructive impact on Native life, as social structures were left in disarray. Those who rose to power during this chaotic time were often people who decided to ally themselves with the colonizers. The forms of medicine that Native people traditionally practiced could not effectively fight foreign disease. Many colonizers, meanwhile, chose to interpret the epidemics as the will of God, who they claimed wanted them to conquer America.
While the colonizers did not initially intend to wipe out the Native population using disease (although this was later incorporated into their assault on the Native population), this passage makes clear that they were generally happy for the disease epidemics to work to their advantage. Indeed, they even chose to claim that this mass death was the will of God, simply because it advanced their personal interests.
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Without Native people working the land, it began to very gradually transform. Underwood grew because it was no longer being burned away; crops Native people had cultivated for years died out. The reason why some Native people participated in the fur trade with such seeming enthusiasm—to the point that animals such as the beaver ended up dying out—might at first seem mysterious. They certainly did participate, because English hunters were not remotely skilled enough to kill beavers at the rate Native people did.
Part of the problem of having far fewer perspectives of Native people preserved in the historical record is that the behavior of these historical actors can remain mysterious and even baffling. Yet it is important to note that what is obvious in hindsight is never clear to people living in a particular historical moment. Native people could never have predicted the totality of destruction colonization would cause.
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There was already an important tradition of trade between different indigenous tribes and when Europeans arrived, the novel goods they had to offer made the prospect of trade very appealing. At the same time, acquiring European tools did not actually have a significant impact on improving quality of life. Many indigenous people ended up repurposing what they had purchased, for example wearing kettles they’d bought from Europeans as jewelry. For some time, corn was used as currency in the fur trade, but it wasn’t the ideal entity for this task. A better contender was wampumpeag, shell beads that are today known as wampum.
This passage illustrates how the meeting of two cultures can result in misunderstanding, miscommunication, and the other negative effects of culture clash. Some people may regard the developments described in this passage as exciting examples of cultural innovation. Yet while innovation undoubtedly did take place during this time, ultimately this passage shows that this meeting of cultures was often unproductive—particularly for Native people.
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Wampum was a sign of wealth and power and was usually exchanged during important rituals such as engagements or gift exchanges between allies. Europeans therefore believed it could be used as money in their trade with Native people. Wampum quickly acquired extraordinary value for both the indigenous and settler populations. Over time, however, inflation decreased its value. The shifting status of wampum had a profoundly disorienting impact on Native social life, where power and status were already in flux. Moreover, as Native people had acquired European weaponry through trade, many Europeans became concerned about their power. In 1637, these tensions came to a head when colonizers massacred Pequots, before assassinating the Narragansett sachem Miantonomo in 1643.
Again, from a contemporary perspective readers might assume that cash money—or currency in general—is an inevitable feature of human society because it is so widespread in today’s world. Yet there have actually been plenty of human cultures that essentially did not use money or currency. Instead, they might engage in systems of direct trade, or use other systems (such as hierarchies of sacred objects) in order to represent and exchange value.
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Overall, the fur trade totally revolutionized indigenous life both directly and indirectly. The fur trade created a whole new system of value in indigenous cultures and, for the first time, a motivation to kill more animals than was necessary for survival. As a result, the numbers of particular species began to decrease, particularly the beaver. The beaver population steadily decreased and then swiftly declined in the 1670s due to King Philip’s War. By the end of the seventeenth century, the fur trade was no longer  lucrative. The beaver was far from the only animal that was overhunted during this time and species were further endangered by the destructions of their habitats, which was happening concurrently. Steadily, domesticated animals began to replace wild ones.
The overhunting of beavers and other animals is one of the most obvious and direct ways in which the presence of colonizers was destructive. Indeed, there is something of a paradox in the fact that colonizers originally hunted beavers at aggressive rates because they valued what they provided (fur and skins)—yet in doing so, they managed to eradicate this desired commodity. Indeed, this contradiction is representative of the colonial economy as a whole: the things they most valued were often most vulnerable to destruction via over-consumption. 
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The elimination of animals such as deer had a devastating impact on Native communities. By the time that large wild animals died out, colonizers were no longer hunting for their food. Native people, however, still depended on the hunt to eat. Some villages attempted to stockpile shellfish in order to make more wampum. There was an overall increase in both intertribal conflict and battles between indigenous people and colonizers during this period. Indigenous ways of dressing changed; by the middle of the seventeenth century, European fabric was the most valuable item that Native people acquired in the fur trade. In the 1660s, the value of wampum steeply declined and eventually the colonizers stopped even counting it as money.
This passage provides a disturbing example of the way in which Native people were forced to participate in the Europeans’ economic system, even though this system clashed with the environment and had a destructive impact on Native people’s way of life. The way it all happened was gradual and insidious, meaning that it would have been impossible to know where the process was leading at the beginning.
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By this point, Native people relied on the markets from which they were now excluded. With fur gone and wampum useless, the only “commodity” Native people could trade was their land. Indigenous community’s loss of land to colonizers in the second half of the seventeenth century is the subject of many other history books, so Cronon chooses not to describe it in detail. The overall effect was that Native people had less land to use, which in turn made it more difficult to hunt. By the turn of the eighteenth century some Native communities were dependent on European livestock to eat.
Again, from a contemporary perspective it can be bewildering to imagine why Native people were ever motivated to sell their land to Europeans. Yet as Cronon has shown, the brutal reality was that Native people were forced into this position by the colonizers’ transformation of the landscape (and hence of Native ways of life).
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Most of what is described above was more true of southern Native communities than those in the north, where there were fewer colonizers and less significant changes to the environment. Not every new form of technology that northern Native people gained from the Europeans hindered their life; for example, the smaller, metal kettles they acquired were more portable than the wooden ones they had been using before. However, there was a shift in attitudes toward private property that had a substantial impact on the northern Native way of life. Land was now something that was owned by a family and inherited, while an increasing reliance on the beaver trade meant that beavers came to be seen as a “commodity of exchange.”
As always, Cronon is careful to show that there are always counterexamples to the general trend. Just because colonization overall destroyed indigenous ways of life and made the quality of life for indigenous people worse doesn’t mean that there weren’t some European technologies that could be usefully incorporated into Native lifestyles. Yet these counterexamples, while important to acknowledge, do not change the overall trend.
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However, it was not long before the beaver all but totally died out in New England. This had a number of important ecological consequences. Colonizers initially used old dams beavers had made as bridges to cross streams. When these dams eventually collapsed, they left behind mounds of extremely rich black soil formed by layers of rotting wood. This became “ideal mowing ground” for cattle. In this sense, the disappearance of the beaver created ecological conditions conducive to European takeover of the land. By 1800, the encroachment of colonizers and the effect on the landscape meant that Native people did not have any choice but to participate in the settlers’ markets. The precolonial world had been lost.
As Cronon mentioned in the beginning of the book, the discipline of ecology emphasizes the interconnected nature of organic systems. Beavers, for example, should not be viewed in isolation but instead as part of complex and fragile ecosystems in which they play a crucial role. Removing the beaver thus has an enormous array of secondary effects because the entire system is thrown off-balance.
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