The Wretched of the Earth: Chapter 3: The Trials and Tribulations... Summary & Analysis

National consciousness, Fanon says, is not “the coordinated crystallization of the people’s innermost aspirations.” Rather, it is “a crude, empty, fragile shell.” There are cracks in national consciousness, and it can quickly degrade from nation, to ethnic groups, to the state, and then to tribe. This deterioration, according to Fanon, is harmful to the developing nation. The problems with national consciousness can be overwhelmingly attributed to the national bourgeoisie. 

In a newly independent nation, the national bourgeoisie takes power after the exit of the colonial power, but the bourgeoisie is underdeveloped and inexperienced. The business elite and university graduates who make up the national bourgeoisie are small in number and concentrated in cities, but they are not industrialists, nor are they financiers. They don’t produce anything or invent anything, and they do very little actual work.  

The main job of the national bourgeoisie in an underdeveloped country is to reject their status as bourgeois and dedicate themselves to the peasant masses they represent. An authentic national bourgeoisie should leave their city vocation and go to the masses to learn from the people, and they should in turn teach the masses what they have learned in Western universities. This “heroic and positive path,” Fanon says, is the best way for the national bourgeoisie to remain helpful to the nation as a whole. 

As they are underdeveloped like their nation, the national bourgeoisie knows nothing about actual economics. Their knowledge is purely theoretical, and the economy they support is limited and based on local products. Under such economic plans, the national bourgeoisie make substantial profits while the people suffer. As the national bourgeoisie has limited skills, they are restricted in which colonial businesses they can take over after the exit of the colonial power. However, they take over every position they can, and they work capitalism and economics to their own best interest, creating a system of neocolonialism. At a psychological level, the national bourgeoisie identifies more with the Western bourgeoisie than with their own people. The national bourgeoisie mimics the Western bourgeoisie, sliding right into their place. However, nation building, Fanon says, is not about “taking short cuts.”

The national bourgeoisie, like the Western bourgeoisie, develops an economy based on tourism, including “exoticism, hunting, and casinos.” There are resorts and playgrounds, and soon tourism is a national industry. Casinos, like in Havana and Rio, saturate the landscape, and young Brazilian and Mexican girls are sold as well. 

Landowners behave in much the same way as the national bourgeoisie. Soon after independence, the large farmers call for the nationalization of all agricultural holdings. They take over the farms that had been owned by the colonists, and they gain control over the region. The landowners exploit farm workers and are not interested in increasing their production or integrating into a national economy.

Soon after independence, the national bourgeoisie, having struggled against the racism of colonialism, call for the jobs of white lawyers, doctors, and landowners, claiming that such white workers insult the nation. They move to Africanize the managerial classes and demand all the jobs. The urban proletariat agrees with this nationalist viewpoint, but whereas the national bourgeoisie singles out white Europeans, the urban proletariat fights with other African nations. Race riots break out between indigenous tribes, and just like that, Fanon says, nationalism has changed to “ultranationalism, chauvinism, and racism.”

Africanization and Arabization by the national bourgeoisie is not based in true nationalism. Rather, it is chiefly concerned with transferring power previously held by foreigners, which leads to “a depressing return to the most heinous and virulent type of chauvinism.” The national bourgeoisie, underdeveloped and inexperienced, is unable to enlighten the people or build the vision of the nation, and this leads to a return to tribalism and the rise of ethnic tensions. Colonialism, Fanon argues, does not exploit an entire nation. It focuses its efforts in urban areas and lets the peasant masses fall into complete poverty.  

As conflict builds between ethnic groups, religious rivalries begin to surface as well, and the two major religions—Islam and Catholicism—begin to clash. Now, Fanon claims, colonialism is “back on its feet,” as it “shamelessly pulls all these strings” and keeps a nation divided and fighting. Africa, for instance, is divided into a white and black region. White Africa is considered rich in culture and civilization, while Black Africa is “wild, savage, [and] uncivilized.” This is much like the racism imposed by the colonist, and it is rooted in the same racist philosophy. 

The inadequacies of the national bourgeoisie are not limited to only economics. They achieve power through biased nationalism and incite race wars to weaken and divide the people. According to Fanon, the national bourgeoisie preach human equality and freedom, but then they demand that others rise with them to the level of the West. Therefore, true African unity can only be accomplished through the people, and with complete disregard for the bourgeoisie. 

The national bourgeoisie is also inept in areas of domestic politics. They have no real power, so they believe the best approach is a single-party political system. This decision doesn’t inspire confidence in the people, and the State begins to oppress and harass the masses. The national bourgeoisie continues to ignore the peasant masses and focuses only on cities. They pander to foreign capitalists and do not share any profits with the people.

Soon, a popular leader is selected to both steady the regime and placate the national bourgeoisie. This “bourgeois dictatorship” is fueled by the presence of a beloved leader, and as he makes his way across the nation speaking about the oppression of colonial power, the people immediately place their trust in him. He speaks of independence and freedom for all, but he is really just looking to “be the CEO” of the national bourgeoisie and their profits. The new leader combines the interests of the national bourgeoisie with the interests of ex-colonial companies, and he is a knowing accessory in the corruption of the national bourgeoisie.  

In the meantime, the former colonial power takes less trouble trying to hide the fact that they still have a hold over the national government. The new leader puts a divider between the people and the national bourgeoisie, and then he takes to supporting the bourgeoisie and hiding his efforts from the masses. Still, through his impassioned speeches, the people are fooled. Many nations have implemented such rulers, Fanon says. They usually come from the country, and they swear they speak for the black masses. The leader placates the people and refuses to break up the bourgeoisie, and each time he talks to the masses, he calls on them to remember colonial times and think about how far they have come. 

Of course, Fanon says, the peasant masses aren’t able to assess how far they have come since colonialism. Their lives are much the same as they have always been—impoverished and hungry—and there has been little to no change. The police, who are now Africans, still harass them, and they are not particularly convinced that things are going that well for the nation. The rebellion, in the meantime, is losing patience. After becoming relatively immobile after independence, the rebellion is only needed for festivals and parades on Independence Day. The rebellion has done their part and helped the national bourgeoisie come to power, and now they are no longer needed.  

Inside the new regime of the State, corruption abounds, and morals are nonexistent. The nationalist party helps to keep the State in power over the people and society is increasingly antidemocratic. The police hold everything together, and they are trained by foreign experts. The national bourgeoisie are trained by foreign experts as well, and they take concessions and kickbacks from foreign companies.

Opposition to the nationalist party becomes more apparent, and hostility toward the national bourgeoisie grows, but this affects the national bourgeoisie very little. They are concerned only with Europe and will not invest time or money into their own nation. Dissent grows in the nation, and the army is dispatched to keep order, turning society even more authoritarian. The national bourgeoisie, Fanon says, “has learned nothing from history.” To move the nation forward, the masses “should bar the way to this useless and harmful bourgeoisie” that only serves to transform into a “caricature” of Europe.  

From the beginning, the national bourgeoisie is concerned with intermediate activities. So, in order to lift the nation toward progress, the tertiary sector must be nationalized, which has been bombarded by the young national bourgeoisie. The tertiary sector is the most important by far under colonialism, and after independence, the civil servants sabotage the national economy and institutions, falling back on corruption and fraud. Buying and selling must be organized democratically in order to nationalize the tertiary sector, and all the people of a nation must be educated politically. This education should be given using plain language, and one that does not hide bourgeoisie leadership.

The role of the political party in the developing nations is often a dictatorship used only to hold up the national bourgeoisie. The party is gradually transformed into an intelligence agency, and all opposition parties are rooted out, silenced, and banished. The nationalist party, which claims to work for the people, will send the people “back to their caves” as soon as the colonial power exits. Furthermore, this political party is damaging to national unity and works on a tribal basis. In many ways, it is a party made up of one ethnic group, which then claims to be national and speak the language of the people. This amounts to a “genuine ethnic dictatorship,” and instead of a bourgeoisie dictatorship, it is a tribal one. Jobs are given to those of the leader’s ethnic group, even members of his own family, and this quickly results in separatism and regionalist thinking.  

On the other hand, if a nation really wants to progress, they will need an honest party that is working for the people, not the government. The party should not be dedicated to politics, and they should not be centralized in the cities. All politicians should live in rural areas, and every effort should be made to decentralize the government. Doing so, Fanon says, is the only way to breathe life into struggling, and at times dying, regions.  

Rural areas should be given absolute priority in the new nation. The importance of the capital is a myth, Fanon says, and every effort should be made to increase contact with peasant masses. National policies to that affect must be implemented, as one should never neglect those who fought for independence and improved life. It is not enough just to stay in contact with the peasant masses; rather, the political party should live in close proximity to them. In order to do all of this, however, the national bourgeoisie must be taken from power.

The peasant masses are capable of governing themselves, Fanon argues, and they do understand the political issues at hand. While it may be common for an individual to misunderstand certain issues, the masses as a whole, easily understand. Of course, political education should include plain language that is not at all technical. People become more vigilant the more they understand, Fanon argues, and they understand that wealth is made from corruption, not their hard work. In an underdeveloped country, it is not important that some understand political implications and processes, it is imperative that everyone does, even if it takes twice as long to teach. The people must know what is going on, Fanon says, and the development of their national consciousness depends on it. 

The young people of an underdeveloped nation must be addressed, too. Young people are often idle and illiterate, and they are vulnerable to all kinds of corruptive forces, such as alcohol and R-rated movies. Thus, the government should stabilize this population as well. Young people must be kept occupied, and instead of encouraging sports, school and work should be encouraged. The people should not be looking for a hero or leader. Instead, they should be looking to elevate the people.

A political education does not mean a series of long speeches. To educate one politically is to open one’s mind and introduce it to the world, and it has nothing to do with speeches. Again, to make these approaches work, government must be decentralized and have the peasant masses on their side. The masses must be politicized, which will lead to making the nation a reality to everyone. If a government wants to declare itself national, then it must equally represent the entire nation.

The peasant masses should be mobilized in a developing nation, and outdated traditions that favor women over men should not be given priority. The army must be nationalized as well, and the militia should be strengthened. Professional soldiers, too, are a bad idea, and career officers should be kept to a minimum. People should be placed in jobs and professions where they are needed, not put into the army to wait for a war to start. Nationalism is not political, and to foster the nation, national consciousness must take priority over social and political consciousness.

In an underdeveloped country, the national effort must always involve the people. The national bourgeoisie will inevitably fail the people, and national politics most often lead to a “dead end.” The collective national consciousness is the “living expression of the nation,” and without it, there is chaos and oppression.